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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4221,512,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n\r\n• It must be genuinely held;\r\n• It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;\r\n• It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;\r\n• It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and\r\n• It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.\r\n\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was “anglicised” and “toned down”. The Tribunal found that this “disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam” amounted to a “generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.” This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4235,513,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thandi and others v Next Retail Ltd, the Employment Tribunal has ruled that retail staff based in Next stores must be paid the same basic pay as its warehouse staff. It has been reported that the value of these claims may exceed £30 million. This is one of several ongoing multiple equal pay claims against national retailers, including Asda, Sainsbury’s, Morrisons and Tesco.\r\n\r\nUnder the Equality Act 2010, employees are entitled to receive the same pay and contractual terms as comparators of the opposite sex who perform the same work, work of equal value, or work that has been formally rated as equivalent. Employers may have a defence to an equal pay claim if they can show that the difference in pay is due to a material factor that is not discriminatory (known as the \'material factor defence\'). However, a material factor that is indirectly discriminatory may still be justified if the employer can show that it is a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim.\r\n\r\nA group of 3,540 female shop-floor employees brought an equal pay claim arguing that Next was in breach of the Equality Act by paying them less than warehouse staff, who were predominantly male. Their claims related not only to basic pay but also to other regular and one-off payments including Sunday premiums, attendance and retention bonuses, and long-service awards.\r\n\r\nIn the first stage of the case, the Employment Tribunal held in June 2023 that the claimants were performing work of equal value to the warehouse staff. A further Tribunal hearing took place in May 2024 to establish whether Next could show that a material factor defence applied.\r\n\r\nNext argued that the pay differentials could be explained by a range of material factors including market forces, recruitment and retention difficulties, and the overall performance and productivity of the Next Group.\r\n\r\nThe Tribunal held that these material factors involved indirect discrimination. Sales staff were 77.5% female, and warehouse staff were 52.78% male. Paying sales staff a lower basic pay therefore had a disproportionate effect on women, particularly given that Next benchmarked warehouse pay against the predominantly male market for warehouse staff.\r\n\r\nThe next step for the Tribunal was to consider whether Next’s pay practices could be justified as a proportionate means of achieving a legitimate aim. The Tribunal found that Next could have afforded to pay sales staff more, but chose instead to cut costs in order to maximise profitability. Since case law has established that differences in pay cannot be justified by costs alone, the Tribunal held that the lower basic pay could not be objectively justified. The Tribunal also rejected Next’s argument that it had to set pay according to market forces. As the Tribunal noted, market forces may themselves be based on historic discriminatory views on the value of \'male\' and \'female\' work. Allowing market forces to be used as a defence to an equal pay claim could therefore defeat the purpose of the legislation and perpetuate indirectly discriminatory practices. Similar reasoning applied to six other payments which were set at a lower rate for retail staff, including Sunday and night premiums, paid rest breaks, and long service awards.\r\n\r\nHowever, Next’s defence succeeded in relation to other higher payments and premiums paid solely to warehouse staff. The Tribunal held that these payments could be objectively justified because they related to specific difficulties in recruitment and retention that did not apply to sales staff. For example, an attendance bonus paid at one warehouse was justified because its purpose was to stop workers leaving to join a nearby competitor. Similarly, Next could justifiably pay some warehouse staff triple pay on public holidays (rather than the time and a half paid to sales staff) because it was difficult to find warehouse staff to cover public holidays.\r\n\r\nThis is an Employment Tribunal decision and so does not set a binding precedent, but Next has already confirmed that it is lodging an appeal in the EAT. Employers should note that differences in pay cannot be justified solely by cost or profitability, and that Tribunals will scrutinise carefully any argument that relies on paying market rates. However, it may be easier to show objective justification for targeted and one-off payments in response to market pressures such as temporary recruitment or retention difficulties.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4249,514,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n\r\n• It must be genuinely held;\r\n• It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;\r\n• It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;\r\n• It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and\r\n• It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.\r\n\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was \'anglicised\' and \'toned down\'. The Tribunal found that this \'disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam\' amounted to a \'generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.\' This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4263,515,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li>• It must be genuinely held;\r\n• It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;\r\n• It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;\r\n• It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and\r\n• It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was \'anglicised\' and \'toned down\'. The Tribunal found that this \'disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam\' amounted to a \'generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.\' This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4277,516,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li>It must be genuinely held;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and</li>\r\n 	<li>It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was \'anglicised\' and \'toned down\'. The Tribunal found that this \'disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam\' amounted to a \'generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.\' This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4304,518,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The <a href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheets/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheet-growing-the-economy\">Data (Use and Access) Bill</a> (the Bill) proposes several reforms to how personal and business data can be used. Despite the obvious overlap between data and copyright law in the context of AI models, it is not a stated aim of the Bill to address this intersection. Nonetheless, at this key stage in the Bill’s reading, several amendments have been tabled by the crossbench peer Baroness Kidron that would require the government to implement a new regime that would apply to operators of internet scrapers and general-purpose AI models. Legislation created under the Bill (if enacted) would require such operators to:\r\n<ol>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016157\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Comply with UK copyright law, and to abide by a set of procedures</a>;</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016161\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Be transparent about the identity and purpose of their crawlers; operate distinct crawlers for different purposes; and not penalise copyright holders who choose to deny scraping for AI by downranking their content in, or removing their content from, a search engine</a>; and</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016160\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Be transparent about the copyrighted works they have scraped, allowing copyright holders to understand when their work has been scraped.</a></li>\r\n</ol>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4308,518,'insight_modules_1_heading_title','Practical implications and possible consequences');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4310,518,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). The government would be able to act quickly and make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and AI models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a>were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4316,518,'insight_modules_2_text_general','The proposed amendments will be debated in the Lords either during the 16 December sitting or the 18 December 2024 sitting. After this committee stage in the Lords, there will be one further reading before the Bill transfers to the Commons. We expect a lively debate and will be monitoring the Bill through its passage.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4339,519,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The <a href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheets/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheet-growing-the-economy\">Data (Use and Access) Bill</a> (the <strong>Bill</strong>) proposes several reforms to how personal and business data can be used. Despite the obvious overlap between data and copyright law in the context of AI models, it is not a stated aim of the Bill to address this intersection. Nonetheless, at this key stage in the Bill’s reading, several amendments have been tabled by the crossbench peer Baroness Kidron that would require the government to implement a new regime that would apply to operators of internet scrapers and general-purpose AI models. Legislation created under the Bill (if enacted) would require such operators to:\r\n<ol>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016157\"><em>Comply with UK copyright law, and to abide by a set of procedures</em></a><em>;</em></li>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016161\"><em>Be transparent about the identity and purpose of their crawlers; operate distinct crawlers for different purposes; and not penalise copyright holders who choose to deny scraping for AI by downranking their content in, or removing their content from, a search engine</em></a>; and</li>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016160\"><em>Be transparent about the copyrighted works they have scraped, allowing copyright holders to understand when their work has been scraped</em>.</a></li>\r\n</ol>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4345,519,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (<strong>CDPA)</strong>. The government would be able to act quickly and <em>make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and general-purpose artificial intelligence (AI) models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. </em>This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a> were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4351,519,'insight_modules_2_text_general','The proposed amendments will be debated in the Lords either during the 16 December sitting or the 18 December sitting. After this committee stage in the Lords, there will be one further reading before the Bill transfers to the Commons. We expect a lively debate and will be monitoring the Bill through its passage.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4369,520,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The <a href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheets/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheet-growing-the-economy\">Data (Use and Access) Bill</a> (the <strong>Bill</strong>) proposes several reforms to how personal and business data can be used. Despite the obvious overlap between data and copyright law in the context of AI models, it is not a stated aim of the Bill to address this intersection. Nonetheless, at this key stage in the Bill’s reading, several amendments have been tabled by the crossbench peer Baroness Kidron that would require the government to implement a new regime that would apply to operators of internet scrapers and general-purpose AI models. Legislation created under the Bill (if enacted) would require such operators to:\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016157\">Comply with UK copyright law, and to abide by a set of procedures</a>;</li>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016161\">Be transparent about the identity and purpose of their crawlers; operate distinct crawlers for different purposes; and not penalise copyright holders who choose to deny scraping for AI by downranking their content in, or removing their content from, a search engine</a>; and</li>\r\n 	<li><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016160\">Be transparent about the copyrighted works they have scraped, allowing copyright holders to understand when their work has been scraped.</a></li>\r\n</ul>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4375,520,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). The government would be able to act quickly and make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and general-purpose artificial intelligence (AI) models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a> were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4381,520,'insight_modules_2_text_general','The proposed amendments will be debated in the Lords either during the 16 December sitting or the 18 December sitting. After this committee stage in the Lords, there will be one further reading before the Bill transfers to the Commons. We expect a lively debate and will be monitoring the Bill through its passage.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4501,524,'insight_modules_2_text_general','The proposed amendments will be debated in the Lords either during the 16 December sitting or the 18 December sitting. After this committee stage in the Lords, there will be one further reading before the Bill transfers to the Commons. We expect a lively debate and will be monitoring the Bill through its passage.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4519,525,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The <a href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheets/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheet-growing-the-economy\">Data (Use and Access) Bill</a> (the Bill) proposes several reforms to how personal and business data can be used. Despite the obvious overlap between data and copyright law in the context of AI models, it is not a stated aim of the Bill to address this intersection. Nonetheless, at this key stage in the Bill’s reading, several amendments have been tabled by the crossbench peer Baroness Kidron that would require the government to implement a new regime that would apply to operators of internet scrapers and general-purpose AI models. Legislation created under the Bill (if enacted) would require such operators to:\r\n<ol>\r\n 	<li style=\"color:black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016157\">Comply with UK copyright law, and to abide by a set of procedures</a>;</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color:black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016161\">Be transparent about the identity and purpose of their crawlers; operate distinct crawlers for different purposes; and not penalise copyright holders who choose to deny scraping for AI by downranking their content in, or removing their content from, a search engine</a>; and</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color:black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016160\">Be transparent about the copyrighted works they have scraped, allowing copyright holders to understand when their work has been scraped.</a></li>\r\n</ol>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4525,525,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). The government would be able to act quickly and make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and general-purpose artificial intelligence (AI) models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a> were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4549,526,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The <a href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheets/data-use-and-access-bill-factsheet-growing-the-economy\">Data (Use and Access) Bill</a> (the Bill) proposes several reforms to how personal and business data can be used. Despite the obvious overlap between data and copyright law in the context of AI models, it is not a stated aim of the Bill to address this intersection. Nonetheless, at this key stage in the Bill’s reading, several amendments have been tabled by the crossbench peer Baroness Kidron that would require the government to implement a new regime that would apply to operators of internet scrapers and general-purpose AI models. Legislation created under the Bill (if enacted) would require such operators to:\r\n<ol>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016157\">Comply with UK copyright law, and to abide by a set of procedures</a>;</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016161\">Be transparent about the identity and purpose of their crawlers; operate distinct crawlers for different purposes; and not penalise copyright holders who choose to deny scraping for AI by downranking their content in, or removing their content from, a search engine</a>; and</li>\r\n 	<li style=\"color: black;\"><a href=\"https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3825/stages/19280/amendments/10016160\">Be transparent about the copyrighted works they have scraped, allowing copyright holders to understand when their work has been scraped.</a></li>\r\n</ol>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4555,526,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). The government would be able to act quickly and make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and general-purpose artificial intelligence (AI) models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a>were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4571,458,'insight_modules_1_text_general','Broadfield has strengthened its litigation team with the appointment of Gani Abaydildinov, a senior lawyer with extensive cross-border transactional and dispute resolution experience.\r\n\r\nGani, a Kazakhstan-qualified lawyer, joined Broadfield on 9 December as of counsel from Eldwick Law where he was general counsel.\r\n\r\nHe brings to Broadfield considerable experience and expertise in advising on oil and gas contracts, government contracts and high-value litigation and arbitration. He also has a strong reputation in advising high-net-worth individuals and family offices.\r\n\r\nCommenting on joining the firm, Gani said:');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4573,458,'insight_modules_2_quote_text','Broadfield has a first-class reputation in the energy and infrastructure sectors and is building a worldwide network. It is an exciting time to join the firm and build my practice further.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4579,458,'insight_modules_3_text_general','Phil Smith, partner and head of litigation at Broadfield said:');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4581,458,'insight_modules_4_quote_text','We are delighted by Gani’s decision to join the firm. It is an exciting prospect for Broadfield as Kazakhstan now has a fully formed international financial centre in Astana where many British judges reside with many cases conducted in accordance with UK law. Central Asia is and will be a large growth market for English law, and we look forward to the contributions Gani will bring.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4587,453,'insight_modules_0_text_general','<p class=\"text-black\">This news has been featured in <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://uktechnews.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UK Tech News</a>, <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://businessinthesouthwest.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Business News South West</a>, <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://city-news.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">City News</a>, <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://creativebusinessnews.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Creative Business News</a>, <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://southeastonline.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">South East Online</a> and <a class=\"text-greens\" href=\"https://southwest-news.co.uk/2024/12/05/broadfield-strengthens-southampton-team-with-senior-appointment/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">South West News</a>.</p>\r\nBroadfield has today announced the arrival of Dorothy Agnew in its growing and successful Southampton office.\r\n\r\nShe joined the firm on 2 December 2024 from Moore Barlow where she was a partner in its commercial team.\r\n\r\nShe brings to Broadfield considerable expertise in information technology, intellectual property, data protection and privacy. She has a strong track record in advising businesses in IT and technology outsourcing agreements and on the development and commercialisation of new technologies.\r\n\r\nHer clients include businesses in the technology, telecoms, manufacturing, retail, leisure and sports sectors along the south coast.\r\n\r\nBroadfield in Southampton has a growing team of specialist lawyers that advise institutionally owned, mid-market and fast-growing businesses in the technology, leisure and marine sectors together with wealthy individuals and their families.\r\n\r\nCommenting on her appointment, Dorothy said:');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4589,453,'insight_modules_1_quote_text','Broadfield is a legal powerhouse with first-class teams in Southampton, Reading, Cambridge and London. The firm is ambitious and acts for ambitious and entrepreneurial businesses. \r\n\r\nI am excited to join the firm in Southampton and look forward to building on my practice with Broadfield.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4595,453,'insight_modules_2_text_general','Oliver Kelly, partner and head of the Southampton office said:');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4611,528,'insight_modules_0_heading_title','Christmas competition, data centres, prisons and planning reform memes ');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4613,528,'insight_modules_0_text_general','Today’s entry contains our Christmas competition, but also looks at the Government’s ambition to grant consent for 150 DCO projects, appeals relating to a data centre and a prison and sets out some memes that might help us think through planning reform.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4617,528,'insight_modules_1_heading_title','Racing to 150');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4619,528,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The Government has announced that it has a target of fast-tracking the determination of 150 DCOs over the course of this parliament. You might want to underline the word \'determination\' (not \'granting\') in that sentence, but the drive is clear: the Prime Minister wants to send \'a very clear message to the nimbys, the regulators, the blockers and bureaucrats\'. The total number of DCOs granted since the regime came into force (15 years ago or so) is approximately 140, 10 below the target over the course of the coming five years.\r\n\r\nThe other interesting phrase the Prime Minister used was \'fast-tracking\', but it does not appear that many developers are taking up the (formally defined, new) fast-track route. How could this target be met? There are currently 36 applications in the post-acceptance stage. As far as the official record is concerned, there are 46 applications at the pre-application stage (though that includes some zombie projects). Together, those would constitute just half of the target, but getting the other half to come forward – noting the requirements for pre-application consultation, EIA production and development, means that it is an ambitious target indeed.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4623,528,'insight_modules_2_heading_title','A tale of two appeals');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4625,528,'insight_modules_2_text_general','Whilst we’re waiting for some DCO decisions to be made, two appeal decisions caught my eye. First, <a href=\"https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/6752d28020bcf083762a6c99/Recovered_appeal_decision_-_Court_Lane_Industrial_Estate_Court_Lane_Iver_SL0_9HL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an appeal</a> where the Inspector and Secretary of State agreed that the proposal for a data centre in Slough would be inappropriate development in the Green Belt. This meant that there was a conflict with the local plan meaning some other material consideration would have to override that conflict, and for the purposes of the NPPF, ‘very special circumstances’ would need to be found. And, bam, they were indeed found:  importantly the need for data centres to come forward was a substantial part of that finding (see paragraphs 271 and 272).\r\n\r\nThat is a welcome and stark departure from some of the more recent refusals from last year (see <a href=\"https://www.bdbpitmans.com/news-and-insights/1019-new-environmental-duty-and-no-new-data-centres/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here</a> for a proposal in which very special circumstances were not made out by the need for data centres). Interestingly in the more recent decision, there is also an affirmation that legal costs borne by the council in connection with the development (see paragraphs 252-5 of the Inspector’s Report) should not be paid by the developer. This is an interesting contrast to much of the recent discourse on ensuring cost recovery, and is also to be encouraged.\r\n\r\nThe second <a href=\"https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/674f0bed7cbc7f3d295da963/Land_adjacent_to_HMP_Garth_and_Wymott__Layland__Lancashire__refs_3295556___3_December_2024_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">appeal decision</a> that caught my eye was the Secretary of State overruling an Inspector’s recommendation that a new prison in Lancashire should not be granted planning permission. The key issues in this appeal related to highway traffic and safety impacts. In all the cases, the Secretary of State finds limited harm reinforcing the point that highway impacts have to be really, really bad on an overall scale before they are a basis for refusing planning permission. In this case too, the need for the development (i.e., prisons which are nearing 98% capacity nationally) carried the day.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4633,528,'insight_modules_5_heading_title','How memes can help us understand planning reform ');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4635,528,'insight_modules_5_text_general','These memes feature someone causing some form of catastrophe and then asking who is responsible. You can find more of an explanation and examples of the former meme <a href=\"https://knowyourmeme.com/memes/who-killed-hannibal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here</a> and the latter meme <a href=\"https://knowyourmeme.com/memes/were-all-trying-to-find-the-guy-who-did-this\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here</a>. I’ve been amused that there have been two recent instances where a regulator has said \'not me!\' in response to backlash. The <a href=\"https://www.onr.org.uk/publications/regulatory-reports/other-reports/onr-s-regulatory-influence-on-the-epr-design-in-the-uk/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first</a> relates to almost 7,000 design changes at Hinkley Point C, with the regulator stating that they were not responsible for considering cost, and the second relating to the now infamous £100m bat tunnel with the regulator being forced to publish <a href=\"https://naturalengland.blog.gov.uk/2024/11/08/natural-england-role-in-high-speed-2/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a statement</a> (‘it is for HS2 Ltd to make choices, consider risks and factor in costs when deciding how to comply with environmental law)\r\n\r\nThere are two potential lessons here. First, if cost and proportionality are not part a public body’s remit, shouldn’t they be? Second, whilst we’re all wondering who is responsible for disproportionality, it’s worth bearing in mind that our system naturally incentivises risk-aversion because of legal challenges and, importantly, picking and choosing your battles. That means even when, as in those two examples above, the regulator says ‘we simply assessed what was put in front of us, we didn’t require it’, it’s failing to decouple the explicit actions of a regulator from the implicit requirements, culture, and choosing the path of least resistance (e.g., it’s sometimes easier to simply agree, then have it out). Both of those recommendations require resources so that regulators feel comfortable challenging proposals, but – given culture is amorphous - it also requires re-asserting proportionality into processes for example through Written Ministerial Statements or other Government policy so that the mood music is \'please don’t do this\'.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4639,528,'insight_modules_3_heading_title','How memes can help us understand planning reform ');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4641,528,'insight_modules_3_text_general','It is the season so here’s something fun, or at least more fun than usual. How can internet memes help us understand planning reform. Here are a few I’ve thought of, please take these in good humour and send your suggestions on a postcard.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4643,528,'insight_modules_4_text_para','Why would X do this / We’re all trying to find the guy who did this');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4645,528,'insight_modules_6_text_para','Cheems mindset');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4649,528,'insight_modules_7_text_general','Jeremy Driver wrote <a href=\"https://normielisation.substack.com/p/cheems-mindset\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this highly relatable essay</a> in which cheems (pronounced ‘keems’), a small Shiba inu dog signifies someone who scrambles around for reasons why something cannot be done. There are instances where raising reasons why something cannot be done is important but the mindset does this almost reflexively and, as Jeremy says, is ‘a deadly cause of sclerosis if it is the reflexive reaction to any new idea or policy proposal’; the mindset takes raising challenges not just as necessary (which it is), but as the defining characteristic to a policy response, with \'it’s too complicated\' being the knee-jerk reaction.\r\n\r\nJeremy gives many examples in a non-planning context, but I’m struck by how often some commentators adopt the same mindset. For example, the Spanish and Germans are streamlining EIA in exchange for slightly more onerous environmental protections along the lines of the Special Compute Zones recently suggested by <a href=\"https://inferencemagazine.substack.com/p/getting-ai-datacentres-in-the-uk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jack Wiseman</a> and <a href=\"https://institute.global/insights/climate-and-energy/revitalising-nuclear-the-uk-can-power-ai-and-lead-the-clean-energy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Tony Blair Institute</a>. Those ideas are loosely based on infrastructure planning zones, explained <a href=\"https://www.bdbpitmans.com/news-and-insights/967-could-infrastructure-investment-zones-help-keep-the-lights-on/.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here</a>. The natural reaction of someone with Cheems mindset is to simply to say that there are international agreements that would prevent this (without specifying what, or considering that the overall system of environmental protection would be the same, if not better; without considering what the specific enforcement mechanisms are and whether that is likely, or if withdrawal is a feasible or necessary option).\r\n\r\nOr take judicial review, some explicitly said that the idea of reducing the number of bites of the cherry was not possible, that changing standing rules was not possible or that, even if it was as Lord Banner KC’s review contradicts, it wouldn’t be that significant. We’ve long been advocates of reforming JR, and we welcome and endorse the recommendations from his Lordship. Gradualism (i.e., slow change) is a form of trial and error that shouldn’t be shunned, and cheems mindset hampers or derides even those small movements, but we shouldn’t stop pushing for more. I’ve made the point before: but if you are seriously using the idea that international agreements are a block to any further thought, do you want us to remove the long-established Wednesbury unreasonable test which <a href=\"https://www.landmarkchambers.co.uk/news-and-cases/15-the-status-of-decisions-of-the-aarhus-compliance-committee-in-english-law-respect\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Aarhus Compliance Committee is \'concerned\' about</a>?\r\n\r\nThe lesson here is be creatively ambitious, even as you seek to overcome the hurdles: it’s going to be hard, for example, to do a robust SEA for the zones mentioned, and an actual assessment of what European countries charge in the JR costs is necessary before we can make grand claims about violating international agreements, but the mindset dismisses even considering what an assessment would look like or what EU countries are actually doing in their court systems nor the enforcement mechanisms, or what taking that view consistently would mean for the wider system.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4651,528,'insight_modules_8_text_para','\'Boardroom suggestion\' / model-based thinking');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4655,528,'insight_modules_9_text_general','<a href=\"https://knowyourmeme.com/memes/boardroom-suggestion\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">This meme</a> features a guy being thrown out of a window of a boardroom meeting when he suggests a simple solution following suggestions that miss the point. This meme is the natural counter-weight to the anti-Cheems mindset. There is a tendency to suggest in unfavourable environments \'what if we just came up with an entirely new planning regime\', when more gradual but politically feasible changes are likely to have more chance of making an actual positive impact. A good example is the ongoing debate about consultation. On the one hand, someone would say wouldn’t be wonderful if we just removed it? On the other hand, the political resistance and the alleged benefit of identifying problems sooner gets raised.\r\n\r\nI guess the point here is that a model for planning reform which is just \'this is good, and this is bad\' without considering secondary effects and political viability ends up eating a lot of time without doing much. For example, if I had a large majority in a new government, I might be more ambitious on reforming consultation. If I didn’t, and was worried about long-term backlash, I might suggest ‘why don’t you get rid of Category 3 persons’, make changes to statutory guidance to stop excessive consultation, and – at a stretch – remove the requirement for a PEIR. Not thinking through political constraints, different actors and power-brokers (e.g., PINS, the civil service) means you run the risk that your ideas will be lost like a fart in the wind.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4657,528,'insight_modules_10_text_para','\'Everythingism\'');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4661,528,'insight_modules_11_text_general','Joe Hill posted about \'everythingism\' <a href=\"https://x.com/jo3hill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">on X</a> recently: the basic idea is that we make decisions about a particular thing, into decisions about all the things we are interested in. For example, if you wanted to make a decision about whether X was the best energy generation, and then you started taking into account the extent to which that technology contributed to wider social value. The remedy to this is not to make each individual policy (or planning) decision reflect all the outcomes we want, but to have as many policies as desired outcomes. Joe’s idea is a re-telling of the Tinbergen Rule: governments must use multiple policy instruments if they want to impact multiple policy targets.\r\n\r\nWhat does this have to do with planning? I think one of the greatest complexities in planning is that it forces us to treat a planning decision not as an overall trade off, but a series of clashes between competing principles. Let’s say you wanted energy generation infrastructure quickly, but you wanted to ensure environmental protection too. There is a conflict, and inevitably a trade off between the two. Rather than preventing permission for the former because of the latter, you could seek to use things outside of the planning decision to enhance the environment. Taking the Tinbergen Rule seriously you might even simply say that the role of the planning system in environmental protection could be even more reduced by, for example, requiring environmental contributions (which are then directed by a government body) based on the scale of the development but the development itself will proceed. A system like this would align with the Tinbergen Rule, and may end up being better at protecting the environment.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4665,528,'insight_modules_12_heading_title','Christmas competition');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4667,528,'insight_modules_12_text_general','It\'s time for the Planning Act blog\'s annual Christmas champagne competition - enter for a chance to win a bottle of champagne!\r\n\r\nThis year\'s competition is based on <a href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/games/crossclimb/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the LinkedIn game \'Crossclimb\'</a> that was launched at the beginning of May 2024.\r\n\r\nEach clue is to a six-letter word.  The words can then be reordered into a word ladder such that each word differs by one letter from the previous word.  Finally, one word can be added at the beginning and one at the end of the ladder, which in this case are both places mentioned in the <a href=\"https://national-infrastructure-consenting.planninginspectorate.gov.uk/project-search\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">names of nationally significant infrastructure projects</a>.\r\n\r\nHere are the clues:\r\n\r\n1. A type of sugar\r\n2. What pancakes are made from\r\n3. A fastening for a shirt etc.\r\n4. A device for applying fat to a roast\r\n5. Someone with equal billing\r\n6. A medieval peasant or farm labourer\r\n7. A wood strip for securing hatches on a ship\r\n8. Alain de, philosopher\r\n9. A seller of fruit\r\n\r\nPlease submit the answers to the clues and the two additional infrastructure project locations in ladder order to <a href=\"mailto:anguswalker@broadfield-law.com\">anguswalker@broadfield-law.com</a> by the deadline of Wednesday 8 January 2025 (they can start with either location and end with the other one).  The first correct solution drawn out of the virtual hat after the deadline will win a bottle of champagne - good luck!');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (4788,536,'insight_modules_1_text_general','The scope of the amendments goes much further than anything we have seen to date in terms of protecting rightsholders from unlawful scraping and web crawling. Regulations created under the Bill would apply at each stage of when AI models may be fed data, namely in pre-training, fine tuning, grounding and retrieval-augmented generation. For operators and developers of AI models, the proposed amendments will undoubtedly be seen as restrictive and anti-innovation.\r\n\r\nIt is noteworthy that any regulations made under the first proposed amendment may be applied extra-territorially with any operator that markets their AI models in the UK being in scope. This amendment is also interesting in the context of any confirmation that may come from civil decisions in respect of the application of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (CDPA). The government would be able to act quickly and make provisions clarifying the steps the operators of web crawlers and AI models must take to comply with United Kingdom copyright law. This would be particularly relevant if the claim brought by <a href=\"https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-64285227\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Getty Images against Stability AI </a>were to be decided in Getty’s favour.\r\n\r\nAlso of note, the last proposed amendment would in effect require operators of AI models to maintain a register of source data that must be accessible to the copyright holder upon request. This amendment is surely an attempt to address the evidential difficulties that currently exist for rightsholders when it comes to establishing copyright infringement against the operators and developers of AI models.\r\n\r\nThe Lords may ultimately decide that the Bill is not the proper legislative vehicle in which to include such bold measures. The government has promised an AI Bill, which would seem the more obvious fit. However, there is a feeling that too much weight has been placed on the AI Bill, which may come too late for rightsholders. The fact that the technology is outpacing legislation may be a motivation behind the proposed amendments. In any event, these are noteworthy proposals demonstrating the influence of the rightsholders’ lobby in the debate.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5261,572,'insight_modules_1_text_general','test\r\n<strong>test</strong>\r\n<em>test </em>\r\n<ol>\r\n 	<li>test</li>\r\n</ol>\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li>test</li>\r\n</ul>\r\n<blockquote>test</blockquote>\r\n<a href=\"#\">test</a>\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\n&nbsp;\r\n\r\nIn Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li>It must be genuinely held;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and</li>\r\n 	<li>It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was \'anglicised\' and \'toned down\'. The Tribunal found that this \'disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam\' amounted to a \'generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.\' This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5359,577,'insight_modules_0_text_general','In Thomas v Surrey and Borders Partnership, the EAT held that a belief in English nationalism which included anti-Islamic beliefs was not a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas was engaged by Surrey and Borders Partnership NHS Foundation Trust on a three month consultancy contract. Shortly before this contract expired, he was dismissed for failure to disclose an unspent conviction for electoral fraud. Mr Thomas then brought a claim of discrimination in the Employment Tribunal alleging that the real reason for his dismissal was his philosophical belief in English nationalism. A preliminary hearing was held to determine whether this could constitute a protected belief.\r\n\r\nFor a philosophical belief to be protected, it must satisfy the criteria set out in the 2010 case of Grainger Plc v Nicholson:\r\n<ul>\r\n 	<li>It must be genuinely held;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must concern a substantial aspect of human life;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must have a sufficient level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance;</li>\r\n 	<li>It must not be incompatible with human dignity or conflict with the fundamental rights of others; and</li>\r\n 	<li>It must be worthy of respect in a democratic society.</li>\r\n</ul>\r\nThe Tribunal held that Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism, which was focused on national culture and identity rather than common descent or race, satisfied the Grainger criteria and could in principle be a protected belief. However, as part of his belief in English nationalism, Mr Thomas also held anti-Islamic beliefs which had been expressed publicly on social media and in a previous Tribunal case. This included advocating removal of Muslims from the UK and banning Islam unless it was \'anglicised\' and \'toned down\'. The Tribunal found that this \'disdainful and prejudiced focus on Islam\' amounted to a \'generalised form of harassment targeting one particular religion.\' This contradicted the final two Grainger criteria and prevented Mr Thomas’ belief in English nationalism from being protected under the Equality Act.\r\n\r\nMr Thomas appealed to the EAT, arguing that his belief easily satisfied the Grainger criteria and did not come close to being the type of belief that should be excluded from protection. The EAT acknowledged that the threshold for protection under the Equality Act is low. As established in the 2021 case of Forstater v CGD Europe, a philosophical belief will only be considered unworthy of respect in a democratic society if it is an extreme belief akin to Nazism or totalitarianism, or a belief which incites hatred or violence in the gravest of forms. Minority beliefs which are offensive, shocking or disturbing to others may therefore still be protected. In this case, however, the EAT agreed that Mr Thomas’ anti-Islam beliefs did not pass even this low threshold as they amounted to a grave form of hate speech.\r\n\r\nThe EAT highlighted that there is some conflict in European case law about the appropriate threshold for excluding philosophical beliefs on grounds of being unworthy of respect in a democratic society. This may mean that Forstater is too narrow, and that beliefs advocating intolerance and discrimination also fall outside the Grainger criteria, not just those espousing violence and hatred in its gravest forms. Dealing with conflicting rights and freedoms can be a very difficult issue for employers, and further case law to clarify the boundaries of protected beliefs would be welcome.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5429,584,'insight_modules_0_text_para','The Renters’ Rights Bill (the Bill) will have major implications for landlords and tenants of residential property. It is currently at the report stage, meaning there is one more reading in the Commons before the Bill starts its journey in the Lords. This reading is due to take place in mid-January 2025. Although there has been no official confirmation, the government previously indicated that the Bill will become law by Summer 2025.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5433,584,'insight_modules_1_text_general','<p data-pm-slice=\"1 1 []\">Under the Bill, Assured Shorthold Tenancies (ASTs) will cease to exist and anything purporting to create a tenancy for longer than a 28-day period will not be legally enforceable. All tenancies will become periodic with the tenant permitted to end the tenancy at any time with 2 months’ notice, meaning that tenants will no longer be tied to a fixed period (typically six to twelve months).</p>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5437,584,'insight_modules_2_heading_title','Abolition of No-Fault Eviction (s21 Housing Act 1988)');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5439,584,'insight_modules_2_text_general','At present, section 21 of the Housing Act 1988 allows a landlord to end an AST without a reason, a so-called \'no-fault eviction\'. This will no longer be an option available following the Bill. Unless a s21 notice has been served before the Bill comes into force, this right will be lost overnight.\r\n\r\nThe Bill retains various grounds upon which a landlord can obtain possession of the property, some mandatory, others discretionary. Landlords should note, however, that several of these grounds require a longer notice period than the two months required under s21. There are also new grounds for possession, including for occupation or sale, that cannot be used within the first 12 months of a tenancy, creating a 12-month protected period for tenants but not for landlords.\r\n\r\nCurrently, if a tenant does not vacate the property after a s21 notice has expired, landlords can use an accelerated court procedure to obtain possession, meaning that the court can make a possession order without a court hearing. Under the Bill, if the tenant does not vacate after a notice of possession has been served, then the court will fix a hearing before it grants a possession order; this is likely to mean that it will take a lot longer for landlords to obtain a possession order, and they will need to prove in all cases that they satisfy the grounds for possession set out in the notice.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5445,584,'insight_modules_3_text_general','The Bill includes a period of transition for landlords that have already served a s21 notice before the \'Commencement Date\'. This date has yet to be confirmed, but this could be the date when the Bill receives Royal Assent in the law-making process.\r\n\r\nUnder the transitional period, landlords that have served a s21 notice will have, at most, 3 months from the Commencement Date to begin possession proceedings at court; it might be less depending on when the notice was served. This means the court proceedings need to be drafted, submitted, and issued by the court to avoid being time barred. As currently drafted, it is suggested that it may not be enough to send the proceedings to the court but rather they need to have been accepted and processed by the court.\r\n\r\nGiven the limited window of time in which landlords that have served s21 notices will have to commence possession proceedings once the Bill comes into force, we expect there to be an increase in the volume of new claims within that three month period. The court system is already experiencing lengthy delays in processing new claims and will come under additional strain once the Bill passes.\r\n\r\nShould a landlord have already served a s21 notice, it would be advisable to commence proceedings as soon as they are able in order to ensure that the court processes their claim within the transitional period. Any landlords who are contemplating serving a s21 notice should ensure they do so in good time before the Bill comes into force to avoid losing the right to do so.\r\n\r\nTiming is everything, and our property litigation specialists are on hand to provide guidance to landlords on how they can utilise s21 before the Bill becomes law.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5463,588,'insight_modules_1_text_general','<p data-pm-slice=\"1 1 []\">Under the Bill, Assured Shorthold Tenancies (<strong>ASTs</strong>) will cease to exist and anything purporting to create a tenancy for longer than a 28-day period will not be legally enforceable. All tenancies will become periodic with the tenant permitted to end the tenancy at any time with 2 months’ notice, meaning that tenants will no longer be tied to a fixed period (typically six to twelve months).</p>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5689,603,'insight_modules_2_text_general','As well as highlighting the importance of compliance with MAR, this fine reminds PDMRs of market participants of the ability and inclination of the FCA to punish PDMRs who fail to comply with the requirements of Article 19 of MAR. MAR is an essential element of ensuring transparency in the market and is a key safeguard against abuses by those who hold inside information on issuers.\r\n\r\nThe FCA have commented that the position of trust held by PDMRs is damaged when protective measures are not adhered to. The instant dismissal of Mr Sebők also stresses the significance of understanding and complying with the terms of public company employment contracts and Share Dealing Codes.\r\n\r\nThe FCA has not censured or criticised Wizz Air.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5699,604,'insight_modules_0_text_para','<p data-pm-slice=\"1 1 []\">The FCA has issued a novel fine to a senior executive, Mr Sebők, at Wizz Air Holdings PLC (\'Wizz Air\') for trading Wizz Air shares during closed periods under Article 19(11) of the UK Market Abuse Regulation (\'MAR\') and for failing to disclose personal trades to Wizz Air and the FCA under Article 19(1) of MAR.</p>');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5703,604,'insight_modules_1_text_general','<p data-pm-slice=\"1 1 []\">Article 19 applies to Persons Discharging Managerial Responsibilities (\'PDMRs\') of the issuer and those closely associated with them. PDMRs of an issuer are those who are members of the administrative, management, or supervisory body of that issuer (which is typically the Board of Directors) or those who are senior executives who are not members of those bodies but have regular access to inside information relating directly or indirectly to the issuer and have the power to take managerial decisions affecting the prospects of the issuer. Mr Sebők held positions such as Head of Treasury and Controlling and Chief Supply Chain Officer prior to his dismissal.</p>\r\nBetween April 2019 and November 2020, Mr Sebők made 115 trades in Wizz Air shares, amounting to a movement of over 120,000 shares, which were worth over £4,000,000, ultimately resulting in Mr Sebők disposing of his entire holding, which he failed to report in line with Article 19(1).\r\n\r\nOf those 115 transactions, 18 were during a closed period, being within the period of 30 calendar days before the announcement of interim or year-end financial reporting by Wizz Air, in contravention of Article 19(11). Those transactions alone were worth over £550,000.\r\n\r\nIn addition to the requirements in Article 19, the terms of Mr Sebők’s employment contract required him, as a PDMR, to adhere to Wizz Air’s Share Dealing Code. The Share Dealing Code required Mr Sebők to seek Wizz Air’s authority to deal in company shares and prohibited Mr Sebők from dealing in company shares during closed periods. Mr Sebők was included in regular email reminders sent to all PDMRs about such restrictions.\r\n\r\nMr Sebők was fined £123,500, being his total penalty less a 30% discount applied in view of the early settlement of the matter.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5711,604,'insight_modules_2_heading_title','Why is this important?');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5713,604,'insight_modules_2_text_general','<p data-pm-slice=\"1 1 []\">As well as highlighting the importance of compliance with the Market Abuse Regulation more generally, this fine reminds PDMRs of market participants of the ability and inclination of the FCA to punish PDMRs who fail specifically to comply with the requirements of Article 19. MAR is an essential element of ensuring transparency in the market and is a key safeguard against abuses by those who hold inside information on issuers.</p>\r\nThe FCA have commented that the position of trust held by PDMRs is damaged when protective measures are not adhered to. The instant dismissal of Mr Sebők also stresses the significance of understanding and complying with the terms of public company employment contracts and Share Dealing Codes.\r\n\r\nThe FCA has not censured or criticised Wizz Air.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5721,605,'insight_modules_0_text_general','The market for perfume ‘dupes’ has grown significantly and globally in recent years as gas chromatography-mass spectrometry, commonly referred to as GCMS, has helped open the once secret and exclusive world of scent creation.\r\n\r\nAs GCMS can accurately break down the complex chemical profiles of a perfume, formulators are now able to replicate the same combination of ingredients within a perfume in different proportions which has facilitated the rise of the dupe. While GCMS is not yet advanced enough to pick up on all of the intricacies of a scent, for example, the exact proportion and blending of a scent’s notes and accords, it is creating a booming dupes industry, to the frustration of perfumers around the world (especially when a brand can market a dupe on the basis of such dupe being specifically inspired by a named fragrance).\r\n\r\nDupe scents have become popular as many original scents, it may be argued, are increasingly unaffordable. Dupe producers may argue that they are merely disrupting an unaffordable market by innovating.\r\n\r\nThe vast majority of consumers have historically owned and worn a signature scent, the same scent for every day and occasion, but in recent years, especially amongst later generations, there has been a marked shift towards having a fragrance wardrobe. Many consumers now regard perfume as a way to find their identity and evoke different feelings and moods – they want to explore. Dupes, on the basis of their affordability, are facilitating this exploration.\r\n\r\nAs in most (but not necessarily all) cases, with affordability comes issues. Quality and longevity may be compromised which is usually an important consideration for a purchaser. Additionally, supply chain issues arise, particularly concerning the sustainability of those supply chains and the protection of workers’ rights within them.\r\n\r\nIt’s important to note that affordability isn’t the only factor driving the rise of dupes. A lack of regulation in the industry has also played a significant role. For example, brands can label their product as an Eau de Toilette or Eau de Parfum without meeting specific standards—there’s no required amount of fragrance oil for these classifications. According to British perfume designer Azzi Glasser, what’s truly lacking in today’s fragrance industry is the art, performance, and originality that once defined it. This absence, she argues, is helping to fuel the growth of dupes.\r\n\r\nDespite the above, dupe scents are, arguably, here to stay and as a result, in order to retain authenticity, Founder and CEO of Olfactive O, Olivia Da Costa, believes that the key is for fragrance founders to work hard at their story and to convince consumers that they’re investing in the totality of the brand, not just the scent.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5723,605,'insight_modules_1_quote_text','We have a strong and profitable fragrance industry in the UK, with a growing international reputation for new creative brands, we should do all we can to encourage and support the industry by protecting new and existing talent. Having your original work copied or infringed is not tolerated in any other industry, why should perfume be any different.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5727,605,'insight_modules_1_quote_author_title','Fragrance Trend Forecaster');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5729,605,'insight_modules_2_text_general','Perfumers will look to protect the branding of their scents by registering their name or logo as a trade mark. This route will prevent other scent manufacturers from using identical or confusingly similar names, however this will not address the fact that a dupe may be almost identical in smell to the real thing. Perfumers may seek further protection by registering a non-traditional trade mark. The most relevant non-traditional trade marks for perfumers will be smell, bottle shape (as successfully achieved by Coca-Cola with its iconic bottle), and colour use.\r\n\r\nThere are substantial hurdles to overcome if a perfumer is to successfully register a non-traditional trade mark. Trade mark registries will need to be satisfied that the mark in question is clear, precise, self-contained, easily accessible, intelligible, durable, and objective. These criteria pose substantial difficulties when it comes to registering smells – as smell cannot be graphically represented and a sample will not be sufficient. Whilst it is not impossible per se to register a scent as a trade mark, the fact Chanel was unable to register its famous N°5 fragrance suggests this may be unattainable in practice. It is noteworthy that one of the key objections raised by registries is that the mark, for which protection is sought, should not stem from the nature of the product in itself. This poses a particular hurdle to perfumers who, arguably, only sell scent for its olfactory qualities.\r\n\r\nWithout trade mark protection a perfumer could in theory look to the law of passing off to bring a claim against dupes. A perfumer would need to show there was a misrepresentation by the dupe, that the perfumer has goodwill / reputation in the smell and that the misrepresentation has damaged the perfumer. Passing off has not been successfully argued in the courts in respect of a perfume scent, in a 2006 case the High Court rejected L’Oréal’s claim that the smell of a perfume formed part of the ‘goodwill’ in a particular perfume brand.\r\n\r\nMany dupe scents state to be ‘inspired by’ a particular perfume. This may seem like a flagrant abuse for brand owners, but this will not amount to trade mark infringement as the dupes are not representing to consumers that they are producing the actual perfume in question. The producers of dupes do however walk a fine line. If it can be shown that the dupe is portraying to sell the scent in question or uses the brand logo and / or a similar shape bottle, a brand owner should look to enforce their trade mark and / or rely on the law of passing off.\r\n\r\nGiven the level of investment that is required to create and market perfumes, there is merit in the argument that dupes should not be able to ride off the coat tails of perfumers. A re-examination of the trade registration criteria by legislators would be timely and perhaps the only means for perfumers to attain better protection for their brands.\r\n\r\nArticle drafted with collaboration and thanks to Dennis Lee and Tancred Campbell, BDB Pitmans.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5755,607,'insight_modules_0_text_para','Nuclear projects are subject to a long and arduous process before they can get started on physical development in the UK. In particular, they are required to obtain planning permissions, and environmental permits. One other consent – early on in the process – is obtaining \'regulatory justification\', a topic that has been discussed in the blog on quite a few occasions. We’ve worked with developers in seeking to get over this hurdle.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5759,607,'insight_modules_1_text_general','Regulatory justification, broadly, is the approval required to show that the benefits of a nuclear technology outweigh the potential impacts on human health. Regulatory Justification is a requirement in the UK under the Justification of Practices Involving Ionising Radiation Regulations 2004, which requires regulatory justification on \'a new class or type of practice\'. This post-dates all the UK’s current reactors, the most recent of which, Sizewell B, was completed in 1995. All currently operating and historic reactors were ‘grandfathered-in’ as existing classes or types of practice of the use of ionising radiation.\r\n\r\nWe, and others (<a href=\"https://www.bdbpitmans.com/news-and-insights/1063-yet-another-failed-legal-challenge-and-dco-delays/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">see here</a>), have written about how this approval is being used on a technology-by-technology basis, rather than more general purpose as intended. This would mean that each SMR design would need to seek it’s own regulatory justification. We have been given permission to share <a href=\"https://pulsecreative-clients.com/staging/broadfield-law/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Last-Energy-UK-Ltd-Opinion-31.10.24.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this legal opinion</a> which makes clear that an approach which determined all light-water fuelled reactors were justified is lawful and possible. Please do read the whole legal opinion, it’s a great read. In the meantime, a parliamentary question has been asked about effectively taking this approach.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5763,607,'insight_modules_2_heading_title','Racing to 150');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5765,607,'insight_modules_2_text_general','The government has announced that it has a target of fast-tracking the determination of 150 DCOs over the course of this parliament. You might want to underline the word \'determination\' (not \'granting\') in that sentence, but the drive is clear: the Prime Minister wants to send \'a very clear message to the nimbys, the regulators, the blockers and bureaucrats\'. The total number of DCOs granted since the regime came into force (15 years ago or so) is approximately 140, 10 below the target over the course of the coming five years.\r\n\r\nThe other interesting phrase the Prime Minister used was \'fast-tracking\', but it does not appear that many developers are taking up the (formally defined, new) fast-track route. How could this target be met? There are currently 36 applications in the post-acceptance stage. As far as the official record is concerned, there are 46 applications at the pre-application stage (though that includes some zombie projects). Together, those would constitute just half of the target, but getting the other half to come forward – noting the requirements for pre-application consultation, EIA production and development, means that it is an ambitious target indeed.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5769,607,'insight_modules_3_heading_title','A tale of two appeals');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5771,607,'insight_modules_3_text_general','Whilst we’re waiting for some DCO decisions to be made, two appeal decisions caught my eye. First, an <a href=\"https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/6752d28020bcf083762a6c99/Recovered_appeal_decision_-_Court_Lane_Industrial_Estate_Court_Lane_Iver_SL0_9HL.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">appeal</a> where the Inspector and Secretary of State agreed that the proposal for a data centre in Slough would be inappropriate development in the Green Belt. This meant that there was a conflict with the local plan meaning some other material consideration would have to override that conflict, and for the purposes of the NPPF, ‘very special circumstances’ would need to be found. And, bam, they were indeed found: importantly the need for data centres to come forward was a substantial part of that finding (see paragraphs 271 and 272).\r\n\r\nThat is a welcome and stark departure from some of the more recent refusals from last year (see <a href=\"https://www.bdbpitmans.com/news-and-insights/1019-new-environmental-duty-and-no-new-data-centres/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here</a>) for a proposal in which very special circumstances were not made out by the need for data centres. Interestingly in the more recent decision, there is also an affirmation that legal costs borne by the council in connection with the development (see paragraphs 252-5 of the Inspector’s Report) should not be paid by the developer. This is an interesting contrast to much of the recent discourse on ensuring cost recovery, and is also to be encouraged.\r\n\r\nThe <a href=\"https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/674f0bed7cbc7f3d295da963/Land_adjacent_to_HMP_Garth_and_Wymott__Layland__Lancashire__refs_3295556___3_December_2024_.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">second appeal decision</a> that caught my eye was the Secretary of State overruling an Inspector’s recommendation that a new prison in Lancashire should not be granted planning permission. The key issues in this appeal related to highway traffic and safety impacts. In all the cases, the Secretary of State finds limited harm reinforcing the point that highway impacts have to be really, really bad on an overall scale before they are a basis for refusing planning permission. In this case too, the need for the development (ie, prisons which are nearing 98% capacity nationally) carried the day.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5790,608,'insight_modules_0_text_para','Nuclear projects are subject to an long and arduous process before they can get start physical development in the UK. In particular, they are required to obtain planning permissions, and environmental permits. One other consent – early on in the process – is obtaining \'regulatory justification\', a topic that has been discussed on the blog on quite a few occasions. We’ve worked with developers in seeking to get over this hurdle.');
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INSERT INTO `Z1EZp7_postmeta` VALUES (5794,608,'insight_modules_1_text_general','Regulatory justification, broadly, is the approval required to show that the benefits of a nuclear technology outweigh the potential impacts on human health. Regulatory Justification is a requirement in the UK under the Justification of Practices Involving Ionising Radiation Regulations 2004 requires regulatory justification on \'a new class or type of practice\'. This post-dates all the UK’s current reactors, the most recent of which, Sizewell B, was completed in 1995. All currently operating and historic reactors were ‘grandfathered-in’ as existing classes or types of practice of the use of ionising radiation.\r\n\r\nWe, and others (see here), have written about how this approval is being used on a technology-by-technology basis, rather than more general purpose as intended. This would mean that each SMR design would need to seek it’s own regulatory justification. We have been given permission to share this legal opinion which makes clear that an approach which determined all light-water fuelled reactors were justified is lawful and possible. Please do read the whole legal opinion, it’s a great read. In the meantime, a parliamentary question has been asked about effectively taking this approach.');
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